More on Sri Lanka
As a followup to this post from Sunday, I wanted to add some details to Sri Lanka’s relationship with China and Iran, in particular. This, from B. Raman, explains the scope of the project at Hambantota.
The Hambantota port construction is estimated to cost US $ one billion to be lent by the Exim Bank of China. The entire project is expected to be completed in 15 years in four phases. The first phase of construction, which was started in October, 2007, is estimated to cost US $450 million. The entire project, inter alia, provides for the construction of a gas-fired power plant project, a ship repair unit, a container repair unit, an oil refinery and a bunkering terminal. The bunkering terminal, which is expected to be completed in 39 months, provides for the terminal to handle up to 500,000 metric tonnes (mt) of oil products a year.
The energy-related nature of the project is clear. Another hint as to what China might want out of this port project is the involvement of the Exim (Export-Import) Bank. This bank is owned by the Chinese government, and the bank’s charter says:
Its financial business shall be subject to the direction and supervision of the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation and the People’s Bank of China.
(As an aside, the Bank of China is named in a lawsuit saying it knowingly passed funds on to Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Brett Winterble talked about this on the Covert Radio Show last Thursday. Does this mean the Exim Bank might also be involved in shady deals? I have no idea.)
The ExIm Bank is all over Africa. This from the Wilson Center,
By September 2006, there were 259 China Exim projects in 36 African countries, 79 percent of which committed to infrastructure development, such as railways (Benguela and Port Sudan), dams (Merowe in Sudan; Bui in Ghana; and Mphanda Nkuwa in Zambia), thermal power plants (Nigeria and Sudan), oil facilities (Nigeria), and copper mines (Congo and Zambia). China Exim lending practices tend to follow China’s foreign policy, with package deals frequently focusing on projects that provide access to raw materials, and on concessional loans for economically and politically important countries.
I point this out to say the Hambantota project is very much the Chinese government at work. Now, Sri Lanka doesn’t have oil, so China is not after that, but China surely sees Sri Lanka as a perfect base from which to project power into the sea lanes that run right by the island nation.
How might it do so, though? With an eventual military presence? China certainly is not saying. As the 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review said, we don’t have a clear idea of China’s long-term strategies.
China continues to invest heavily in its military, particularly in its strategic arsenal and capabilities designed to improve its ability to project power beyond its borders. Since 1996, China has increased its defense spending by more than 10% in real terms in every year except 2003. Secrecy, moreover, envelops most aspects of Chinese security affairs. The outside world has little knowledge of Chinese motivations and decision-making or of key capabilities supporting its military modernization.
Not surprisingly then, Sri Lanka and China are developing their relationship. Sri Lankan President Rajapakse visited China in early August. And, China’s Foreign Minister is in Sri Lanka today.
Lastly, let me touch on Iran. Iran’s President Ahmadinejad visited Sri Lanka in April, and inspected a couple of projects Iran is funding. Iran is providing a fair amount of aid to Sri Lanka. From the BBC,
Mr Ahmadinejad will visit a refinery and hydro-electric and irrigation schemes that have received Iranian aid. Iran is emerging as a major economic donor in Sri Lanka which is under pressure on human rights issues as war has resumed with the Tamil Tigers. During his visit President Ahmadinejad will tour development projects which Iran is helping to fund. Iran has already agreed soft loans and grants of $1.9bn for a hydroelectric and irrigation scheme and to upgrade a refinery, as well as to buy Iranian oil.
It’s not terribly surprising Sri Lanka and Iran would have a relationship. Sri Lanka imports all of its oil, and Iran is Sri Lanka’s largest supplier of oil. Still, this, also from B. Raman, makes you wonder what Iran thinks it is buying with all its good will.
Iran has also agreed to provide low-interest credit to Sri Lanka to enable it to purchase military equipment from Pakistan and China and to train a small group of Sri Lankan Army and intelligence officers in Iran. A team of about 10 officers has already proceeded to Iran for training after a clandestine visit to Sri Lanka by Brigadier Gen. Qassem Suleimani, the Director-General of Iran’s Quds Force, or the Jerusalem Brigade, which is, inter alia, responsible for covert actions against Israel and for liaison with friendly foreign intelligence agencies. He is expected to come again as a member of the entourage of the Iranian President for further discussions on intelligence co-operation between the two countries.
As you all well know, the Quds Force is hardly an economic aid organization.
I have a saying about history, in that that the study of history is the process of answering two questions: What did people want? and What did people do to get it?
I think the same applies to current affairs, and that you can explain a lot of what nations do in terms of what they do to secure their energy supplies, and their security.
China and Iran see Sri Lanka as important to those goals.
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